SAT Reading - Khan Diagnostic Quiz level 3 - reading 19

Questions 1-11 are based on the following passage.

This passage is excerpted from Federalist Paper No. 5, published in 1787. In it, statesman John Jay discusses the potential effects of dividing the U.S. into several different nations.

The history of Great Britain is the one with which we are
in general the best acquainted, and it gives us many useful
lessons. We may profit by their experience without paying the
price which it cost them. Although it seems obvious to
5 common sense that the people of such an island should be but
one nation, yet we find that they were for ages divided into
three, and that those three were almost constantly embroiled
in quarrels and wars with one another. Notwithstanding their
true interest with respect to the continental nations was really
10 the same, yet by the arts and policy and practices of those
nations, their mutual jealousies were perpetually kept
inflamed, and for a long series of years they were far more
inconvenient and troublesome than they were useful and
assisting to each other.
15 Should the people of America divide themselves into three
or four nations, would not the same thing happen? Would not
similar jealousies arise, and be in like manner cherished?
Instead of their being "joined in affection" and "free from all
apprehension of different interests," envy and jealousy would
20 soon extinguish confidence and affection, and the partial
interests of each confederacy, instead of the general interests
of all America, would be the only objects of their policy and
pursuits. Hence, like most other bordering nations, they
would always be either involved in disputes and war, or live
25 in the constant apprehension of them.
The most sanguine advocates for three or four
confederacies cannot reasonably suppose that they would
long remain exactly on an equal footing in point of strength,
even if it was possible to form them so at first; but, admitting
30 that to be practicable, yet what human contrivance can secure
the continuance of such equality? Independent of those local
circumstances which tend to beget and increase power in one
part and to impede its progress in another, we must advert to
the effects of that superior policy and good management
35 which would probably distinguish the government of one
above the rest, and by which their relative equality in
strength and consideration would be destroyed. For it cannot
be presumed that the same degree of sound policy, prudence,
and foresight would uniformly be observed by each of these
40 confederacies for a long succession of years.
Whenever, and from whatever causes, it might happen,
and happen it would, that any one of these nations or
confederacies should rise on the scale of political importance
much above the degree of her neighbors, that moment would
45 those neighbors behold her with envy and with fear. Both
those passions would lead them to countenance, if not to
promote, whatever might promise to diminish her
importance; and would also restrain them from measures
calculated to advance or even to secure her prosperity. Much
50 time would not be necessary to enable her to discern these
unfriendly dispositions. She would soon begin, not only to
lose confidence in her neighbors, but also to feel a disposition
equally unfavorable to them. Distrust naturally creates
distrust, and by nothing is good-will and kind conduct more
55 speedily changed than by invidious jealousies and uncandid
imputations, whether expressed or implied.
The North is generally the region of strength, and many
local circumstances render it probable that the most Northern
of the proposed confederacies would, at a period not very
60 distant, be unquestionably more formidable than any of the
others. No sooner would this become evident than the
Northern Hive would excite the same ideas and sensations in
the more southern parts of America which it formerly did in
the southern parts of Europe. Nor does it appear to be a rash
65 conjecture that its young swarms might often be tempted to
gather honey in the more blooming fields and milder air of
their luxurious and more delicate neighbors.
They who well consider the history of similar divisions
and confederacies will find abundant reason to apprehend
70 that those in contemplation would in no other sense be
neighbors than as they would be borderers; that they would
neither love nor trust one another, but on the contrary would
be a prey to discord, jealousy, and mutual injuries; in short,
that they would place us exactly in the situations in which
75 some nations doubtless wish to see us, viz., formidable only
to each other.

 
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